Archives for posts with tag: German student movement
Peter Schneider während der Veranstaltung „Und immer wieder sät man aus den Samen“ im Berliner Kulturforum.
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The author Peter Schneider died on 3 September 2026.

This is what I wrote about him in my book Writing the Revolution. The Construction of “1968” in Germany (Camden House 2016, 107-110; 197-199):

Between Scylla and Charybdis 

… it was his novel Skylla (2005), an essay on Napoleon Bonaparte’s observation: What is history but a fable agreed upon? that provided a genuinely new perspective on “1968.” The protagonist is Leo Brenner, a former activist in the German student movement, now a successful Berlin solicitor specializing in divorce cases. Fleeing rainy Tuscany one holiday, he buys a plot of land on a hill in Latium and builds a house with a view for his family. He and his young wife Lucynna, an archeologist, unearth a mosaic below their terrace, and explore the myth of the monster Skylla as they become involved in a race to reconstruct a sculpture that was the original source for the mosaic. Among the daily frustrations of house-building and a second narrative strand that explores the time of emperor Tiberius, in whose cave in Sperlonga the sculpture was originally set, we come to what appears to be a minor narrative detour, but which proves to be the center of the novel. Brenner encounters a former comrade from his student days, Paul Stirlitz. This down-on-his-luck drifter, who scrapes a living helping affluent 68ers to build their second homes in Italy, confronts Brenner with his past as agitator and student leader. 

Brenner initially has no recollection of Stirlitz (an indication of the passage of time and his “successful” integration into bourgeois society) but is forcefully reminded that not all 68ers managed to leave their past behind. Skillfully reflecting the debate of the time, Schneider lets his characters take opposite sides on how to remember the German student movement, either as a time of “brutale[n] Parolen und Welterlösungsformeln” (brutal slogans and formulas for saving the world), or as a “wunderbare und notwendige Revolution” (wonderful and necessary revolution). It soon becomes clear that Brenner and Stirlitz are not only fighting about the historicization of their own past but also its legitimization. For Stirlitz, the accepted history of “1968” is one big lie: 

Memory is a tricky thing. [. . .] In retrospect, perpetrators are always innocent, and they love to play the role of the victim. This was the case with our fathers, and it’s no different with us, the self-styled anti-fascists and revolutionaries. Most innocent of all are always those who plan a deed in their mind, but leave the dirty work of execution to others. Murderous slogans, shouted at a teach-in, are much easier to forget than murder, don’t you think?49 

Stirlitz reminds his former comrade of the time when Rudi Dutschke was shot, willing Brenner to admit that as a leading figure in the movement he had been instrumental in enticing many young people to violence with the slogan “Sprengt Springer!” (Blow Up Springer!). Faced with this “self-appointed judge,” Brenner adamantly refuses any admission of guilt that Stirlitz so eagerly expects from him. The reason for this becomes obvious when Stirlitz confesses that he had interpreted the slogan as a call to action. He had prepared a bomb that was intended to damage the Springer headquarter in Berlin but instead had killed two innocent people. Brenner feebly protests that his slogan had had no militant meaning, that it had simply been a case of following “der Logik des Stabreims” (the logic of alliteration), but Stirlitz, eaten up by his feelings of guilt, demands that Brenner accepts his part of the responsibility for the consequences of his actions. 

Initially, the solicitor defends himself vigorously: “I never planned a bomb attack, let alone participated in one. The only thing you can accuse me of is having been too lax in my choice of words,” but he begins to have doubts when Stirlitz steals the mosaic, an act that causes the disappearance of Lucynna and Brenner’s “Läuterung” (purification): 

And should I not accept a share of the blame, a moral complicity? Did my slogan not contribute to a climate in which someone like Paul Stirlitz could imagine himself a hero by doing what—truth be told—everyone wanted to do?

At this point, Schneider widens the scope of his archeological dig. Brenner meets with one of the archeologists who are trying to recreate the Skylla sculpture, who explains to him: 

People want to know where they come from, and through this hope to find out who they are and where they are going. Historiography is a battle over memory, one that never ends—no matter whether we are talking about the history of an individual or the history of entire nations. Out of the testimonies of their forefathers, each generation creates a new history for itself, a history that it wants to inscribe into mankind’s collective memory. The important thing is not what happened, but which elements of what happened are formulated and preserved. A history that has never been written down will get lost— in the end, it never even happened.

Asked whether this means that there is no difference between original and reconstruction, the archeologist responds: 

I wouldn’t go that far. But if no original has been preserved, not even a copy of the original, then the reconstruction will prevail. And at some point, it replaces the original.

In an interview shortly after the publication of the novel, Peter Schneider explained why he had tackled the problem of reconstruction: 

Even the 68ers [. . .] displace and repress their past. In remembering, everyone produces their own version of their own past, a version that suits them. In the end, the reconstruction of history replaces the original—in my novel, this happens when the Scylla-sculpture is reconstructed. Perhaps we cannot help but lie about our past, but at least we should be aware of that.

Schneider has chosen to illustrate the dual process of historicization and legitimization of the German student movement with the mythological image of Scylla and Charybdis. This may be helpful in that it signals how easily we may be pulled toward one or the other, but there is also a sense of arrogance, of affording the 68ers a mythical significance by aligning their past (“Eigenmythologie”) with powerful imagery traditionally associated with more significant historical moments. But that is exactly Schneider’s point: he demonstrates that it is in our nature to want to legitimize our past actions and that our own actions, as long as we can convince the next generation, may one day be as “mythical” as those of the past. 

With Skylla, Schneider appears to exorcise a ghost. Both the protagonist and the author were actively involved in the student revolt. Both avoided violent conflict but share a certain responsibility for the actions of others whom they might have inadvertently incited to violence. Indeed, Peter Schneider was more involved in the movement than is commonly remembered today. He was part of the group that prepared the “Springer tribunal” in 1967 and one of the signatories of a pamphlet against Springer’s press monopoly in West Berlin. He was also, as he revealed himself, one of the originators of the “Wanted” Poster during the visit of the Shah of Persia in West Berlin that led to the demonstrations where Benno Ohnesorg was killed, and the subsequent escalation of the conflict between students and the state. 

The author seems to say that “1968,” like the myths of the monster Scylla or the shy emperor Tiberius, has undergone numerous retellings, has in fact become a myth itself, unrecognizable beneath countless opposing interpretations, and that it may be impossible to reconstruct “the truth.” Like Tiberius, who attempted to legitimize his hold on power by creating a mythical bloodline to Odysseus, the 68ers are busy justifying themselves; their legend “is pushed into collective memory by all available means”. 

Peter Schneider is aware of how much he himself has contributed to the “mythical” power of “1968.” His Lenz had attempted to put some distance between himself and the “unpoetic” dogmatism and futile violence that had destroyed what had been intended, and yet become one of the “iconic” texts on the German student movement. Skylla can be interpreted as a further aesthetic and creative allegory of the movement: once a beautiful maiden, corrupted through no fault of her own, she kills those who come too near. Innocence and violence are the two halves of her being, and Odysseus thought she was the lesser of two evils. 

***


Between Rebellion and Delusion 

In the “autobiographical narrative” Rebellion und Wahn (2008), the author sheds further light on his own role in the movement, focusing on his life as writer, activist, and lover of a woman simply referred to as “L.” who eventually joined the terrorist organization Bewegung 2. Juni. Schneider bases his reflections on the diaries he kept in the late 1960s. Reading through them, he finds himself confronted by someone who is both familiar and a total stranger. He feels a sense of superiority, seeing how naive and impulsive he used to be. Characterizing his younger self as “beschwipst” (intoxicated), “irrwitzig” (mad), and “übermütig” (full of beans/hyper), he nevertheless wants to do justice to “1968” and the historical moment: 

But I would not do justice to us and the mood at the time if I didn’t talk about the euphoria of those months that blew like an intoxicating wind through the streets of Berlin. In those days, everything seemed possible, especially the impossible—and we, who were carried along by this wind, felt that history itself had chosen us to build a new society with new rules. It was a trip without drugs, the high of a “historically necessary” and “scientifically founded” utopia which had taken control of our brains and our hearts.

Again and again, though, he returns to the question whether the 68ers’ flirtation with violence was really justified. He admits that the “antifascist impulse” of the movement was based more on emotions than on hard facts and worries that the “dreadful aberration of perhaps one hundred desperados” is the only aspect of his generation that will remain in our collective memory. Reflecting on his personal responsibility for the escalation of violence, Schneider returns to his konkret article “Gewalt in den Metropolen” from 1968, in which he had argued that it was acceptable to use “all available means” to achieve the aims of the revolt. The article now appears to him as “the work of a delirious man”, who used a linguistic sleight of hand to convince the readers of konkret that direct action was justified in the face of the “latent violence” the rebels allegedly encountered every day. He tries to rationalize his former radical position (Springer had never shown any remorse; he had been hopelessly in love with the radical L.; he does not feel shame for supporting the militant revolt in Detroit), but in the end the only explanation he can find for his “delusion” is that he had been the victim of a collective “intellectual contamination”: 

I was then, I think, not more stupid than I am now. The metamorphosis that has to be depicted here is a collective process of mutual intellectual contamination, of manipulation and self-manipulation— not dissimilar to the type employed by political, but also religious sects of any kind.

It is worth looking at this passage in some detail. Schneider initially accepts that he was compos mentis in 1968. But then, with a the air of a psychologist giving an expert witness statement in a murder trial, he exonerates himself by suggesting that he was the victim of a collective process of external and self-manipulation, akin to the brainwashing methods used by political and religious sects. Up to this point, the reader could be forgiven for believing that the author has joined renegades like Gerd Koenen or Götz Aly. Interestingly, though, Schneider then allows his former self the right to reply, and the response is a withering indictment of his rationalizations: 

Where do you get the right to judge, what do you have to offer? Forget for one moment your explanations for my “delusion” and answer me this one question: Weren’t those two years—the time when you and your careful considerations did not yet exist—even with all their horrors—the most important time of your life? Why do you constantly talk about them, why these tons of paper in the libraries, these weeks of expensive screen time, these endless kilometers of film about a small—and “failed”—student rebellion?

In the end, readers will have to decide for themselves. Schneider now sees his former self as part of “the specifically German delusion of a global revolution”, “a frightening revolutionary” whose main motivation was to impress his then girlfriend L. By juxtaposing innocence and experience, he shows us that neither the eager young activist nor the sage graybeard has a monopoly on the interpretation of “1968,” but that, by turning the political into the private, we may arrive at a dialectic point where opposites are equally true.

(all translations from German are my own)

My new monograph Writing the Revolution. The Construction of ‘1968’ in Germany is coming out this month.

Given that in the course of this book I criticise a number of academics for not laying their cards on their table, declare their agenda, or, as Jürgen Habermas would put it, formulate their ‘erkenntnisleitende Interessen’, I would like to outline my own.

Born in 1958, I was too young to understand what was going on around 1968, but I had a general awareness that a revolt was taking place. The Vietnam War was shown live on television and my older brother started to grow his hair and play records by the Rolling Stones. In school, the older students started to rebel against ‘authoritarian’ regulations and published a student newspaper that lampooned our teachers (some of whom, as everyone knew in my town, had been enthusiastic Nazis). Later, a teacher asked us to look at a flyer produced by the Socialist German Student League which included the (to me) pythonesque line ‘In der Institution liegt die Gefahr der Institutionalisierung’ (the institution contains the risk of institutionalisation). I became interested in politics, and enthusiastically supported Willy Brandt in his 1972 re-election campaign (the ‘Reiten für Deutschland’ election poster portrayed Willy Brandt and his foreign minister Walter Scheel riding an Easy Rider style motorbike while their conservative rival Franz Joseph Strauß was loading his gun). Returning from an exchange year in the USA, I successfully ran for president of the student council (Schülermitverwaltung). On leaving school, I became a conscientious objector (which required facing a hearing and making your case) and delivered meals on wheels instead of learning how to salute.

My introductory seminar on German literature at the University of Hamburg in 1978 was conducted by Klaus Bartels, a 68er turned academic, with a selection of contemporary novels. It did not even occur to us first year students that this was a far cry from what our predecessors would have had to grapple with – the old syllabus of middle high German and Goethe having become optional. As a counterpoint to any romantic notions about the glorious 60s, my other academic guide was Dietrich Schwanitz (of Der Campus fame) who kept us grounded with his sarcasm.

While there was no sign of the 68ers in the Audimax where they had displayed the Unter den Talaren, Muff von tausend Jahren banner ten years before, there was still something of their anarchic spirit in the air – there were regular semester-long strikes, a variety of communist student groups (MSB Spartakus, Marxistische Gruppe) tried to get our attention, and the arts and humanities applied a very relaxed assessment practice: there were no marks on one’s ‘Scheine’ (certificates of achievement, which merely stated that one had taken part), nor was there a ‘Zwischenprüfung’ (an exam after the first four semesters) to determine whether one could progress to intermediate and advanced seminars. Indeed, students from all years, first semesters and veterans of 20 semesters attended any seminar of their choice, and smoking was absolutely required unless one was into knitting.

Outside campus, an alternative lifestyle had established itself in the Abaton Kino, Wohngemeinschaften, the Hafenstraße squats, vegetarian restaurants, and the countercultural Auenland, a venue for live bands with a notorious drug scene. The late 1970s were an odd mixture of second-hand experiences – the protest against the building of a nuclear power plant in Brokdorf near Hamburg, the Rasterfahndung against Red Army Faction terrorists, even the odd demonstration in front of the American consulate with helicopters flying low above us felt like someone else’s battles.

So why am I writing a book about the afterlives of 1968? The disclosure above already hints at a certain sympathy for the liberating and iconoclastic elements of the German Student Movement, a fairly typical attitude among Germans of my generation and recently immortalised in Gerhard Henschel’s Bildungsroman (2014). Nevertheless, for many years the 60s were completely off my radar while I completed a PhD with a thesis on English Romanticism and English Science Fiction, and then switched to teaching German language and current affairs in the UK. Yet what began to intrigue me, and has kept me intrigued over the last twenty years, is the on-going and accelerating production of texts, films, music, art and research that engages with this brief period in German history. With my research interests focused on the intersection of utopian, political and romantic thought, the German Student Movement is a fascinating manifestation of this nexus, its distinct blend of epiphany and subsequent loss so similar to the romantic period.

My own role in the construction of ‘1968’ may complicate matters – as an academic teacher, author of articles and book chapters, conference organiser and volume editor, I have contributed to the literature that I propose to analyse. At the same time, my familiarity with this vast body of works and their authors will, I hope, become useful in guiding the reader through the maze of publications.

I should stress that this book is not about the events of that bygone era – Anglophone readers interested in the events may wish to turn to Hans Kundnani’s Utopia or Auschwitz. Germany’s 1968 Generation and the Holocaust, (2009), or Timothy Scott Brown’s West Germany and the Global Sixties. The Antiauthoritarian Revolt, 1962-1978, (2013); those able to read German are spoilt for choice –, but rather about the edifice that has been constructed on top of these events by the media, writers and academics.

Why is this construction so important? While the generation of 68ers is leaving the stage, their erstwhile disruption, their belief in fundamental change, is endlessly re-examined, amplified, mythologised and instrumentalised. The ‘unity of thought, feeling and action’, the clarity of purpose associated with the cypher ‘1968’ has become a holy grail, an obsession for a cultural elite of intellectuals, writers, journalists, and opinion makers. The resultant myth of ‘1968’ has invaded the imagination of many through the writings of the few. This process cannot go on indefinitely – decisions have to be made whether a unified Germany can ‘move on’ from ‘1968’, by either accepting the tenets of the movement as a moral touchstone or by rejecting them as romantic relapse. This is not just important for insider debates in the German media, academia or literature, but for Germany’s political elites. The construction of ‘1968’ into something both unassailable and unattainable has dominated debates for almost five decades and arguably stymied the country’s ability to play its part on the global stage. My research will enable readers to see this process more clearly.

It is 45 years ago to the day that one of the leading figures of the German Student Movement was shot in West Berlin. He survived, but had to retire from the limelight and died 11 years later from the long-term effects of the attack. It is a moot point whether the movement and the country as a whole would have taken a different direction had the assassin missed his target. He didn’t, and the New Left had both a martyr and an excuse for its ultimate failure. 15 years ago, I contributed a chapter to Gerard de Groot’s book ‘Student Protest. The Sixties and After’ (London / New York 1998). In it I quote Rudi’s simple message:

Our life is more than money. Our life is thinking and living. It’s about us, and what we could do in this world … It is about how we could use technology and all the other things which at the moment are used against the human being.… My question in life is always how we can destroy things that are against the human being, and how we can find a way of life in which the human being is independent of a world of trouble, a world of anxiety, a world of destruction.

 

Following the global celebration of their 40th anniversary in 2008, the 68ers, especially in Germany, have increasingly been portrayed as a generation that has overstayed its welcome. With the portrayal of their increasing infirmity (of body if not of mind) comes a general disassociation with their former ideals and once radical political agenda. The revolution has not taken place, certainly not in the way they had imagined. What was once perceived as dangerous and strangely attractive to broad sections of German youth has become embarrassing, decidedly old-fashioned, and, in spite of occasional sympathetic portrayals in film or on TV, almost inexplicable to later generations.
Whilst their presence in the media has somewhat diminished, the 68ers have not yet disappeared from political and cultural debates: especially their literary production continues unabated, though, as will be argued, a new quality has entered their work. Their writing is deeply reflective, especially of their own increasing sense of being strangers in a strange land. The generation that hoped to die before they got old, that coined the phrase ‘Trau keinem über 30’ has left its ‘Prominenzphase’ during the Red-Green Coalition government from 1998 to 2005 and entered uncharted waters, a stage in life when one has one last chance to admit mistakes, forgive if not forget, and remember one’s defining moments in the light of a lifetime’s experience.
The texts I have chosen to illustrate my argument are Uwe Timm’s ‘Freitisch’, Friedrich Christian Delius’s ‘Als die Bücher noch geholfen haben’, Jochen Schimmang’s ‘Das Beste, was wir hatten’ and Bernd Cailloux’s ‘Gutgeschriebene Verluste’ (which made the longlist of the Deutscher Buchpreis 2012). Each of these writers has charted the history of their generation and its ever-changing ‘Befindlichkeit’ over decades, and their work continues to attract broad attention.
My paper argues that these chroniclers of their generation remain committed to the cause: the project of Germany’s ‘politische Alphabetisierung’ (H.M. Enzensberger), and an aesthetic programme that evolved out of the spirit of ’68. One last time they evoke the ‘Aufbruch einer Generation’, a movement that is unequalled in terms of its radical approach, but now with a wistful focus on its unfulfilled promise.

Paper for the AGS Conference in Cardiff, 3-5 April 2013